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An alternative news source in Brazil,  building bridges to social movements working for a better world



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NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 632, June 8, 2010

Visit our home page at:  http://www.braziljusticenet.org

In this week's News from Brazil:

Studies Show Persecution of Afro-Brazilian Religions

by Leandro Uchoas

In the beginning of May, the Report on the Human Right to Education investigative team in Rio de Janeiro decided to examine one of the most veiled and complex problems of people of African descent in Brazil:  religious intolerance of Candomblé, Umbanda and other religions of African origin.  This study is part of a bigger research project entitled “Education and Racism in Brazil,” which began at the beginning of this year  and is being conducted in various Brazilian states.  With the support of the Commission for the Combat of Religious Intolerance (CCIR) of Rio de Janeiro, the team also plans to investigate what is being done in regard to education about quilombos (communities of descendents of runaway slaves). 

According to the researchers, one of the biggest problems regarding intolerance of Afro-Brazilian religions is that not many seem to even care that it is a problem.  However, the problem is worse where there is strong prejudices against these religions, especially where there are neo-Pentecostal churches (like Igreja Universal, Internacional da Graça, among others) which preach against them.  In such regions, the Afro-Brazilian religions are practically prohibited.  The increase of members of these neo-Pentecostal churches and their power over the media and government, together with ambiguous educational policies, are the principal causes of religious intolerance of these religions.  Marcio Gualberto of the Collective Black Entities of Rio de Janeiro commented on this prejudice [that members of Afro-Brazilian religions are closet devil-worshippers]:  “Religions from African origins have no way of hiding the devil, principally because this figure does not even exist in these religions.”

In January, the Institute of Comparative Studies in Institutional Administration of Conflicts (InEAC-UFF) released a report entitled “Religious Intolerance in Rio de Janeiro.”  The document analyzes conflicts related to differences in identity and ethnic-religious backgrounds in the state vis-à-vis how these differences are handled by public institutions.  “Religious intolerance is completely ignored by the State and even by social movements.  There is a false idea of racial democracy,” stated Fábio Reis Mota, social scientist of the InEAC-UFF.

Between 2008-2009, CCIR accompanied 17 specific cases of religious intolerance registered in police records.  One fact that was evident to the Commission was the difficulty that police have in seeing the importance of registering such cases.  Many times, the police convince the victims to not register the case, as though is was merely a small problem.  “The police say this type of problem is ‘not worth a can of beans,’ something not important,” said Reis Mota.  Data reveal that the majority of the victims are older than 21, while those that commit the crime are usually around 40, which reveals intolerance among mid-lifers.  The majority of the cases occur in religious institutes or in the home of the victim.

Another criticism made by researchers involves the way the media treats the issue.  Afro-Brazilian religiosity is treated in a stereotypical fashion, reinforcing prejudices already existent in society.  However, Joel Zito Araújo, director of the documentary, “Negação do Brasil,” does not agree 100% with the researchers:  “Television media does not have a homogenous treatment for African religions.  Some accept religious diversity, and we can see a positive portrayal of characters.  However, this segment that tends to treat religions positively also treats religions of African origin as the exception and not the rule.  In certain cases, we can watch preachers giving sermons or television hosts making non-subtle remarks stereotyping members of African religions, emphatically portraying them as devil-worshippers, feeding prejudices, hate and ignorance.”

According to José Flávio Pessoa, professor of the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), stated that there has always been persecution.  The only thing that has changed is the way it is done.  Priests of “calundus,” a religion practiced until the 19th century, were persecuted and assassinated.  “Until the 1950’s, the Catholic Church encouraged persecution.  During this time, the police would enter the temples, destroy them, and take the goods.  Beginning in the 1970’s, the neo-Pentecostal churches began to form and promoted a true ‘holy war’ against African religiosity.  And today they have various ways of pressuring the State, such as prohibiting the sacrifice of animals and noisy religious services,” said Pessoa.

The Commission for the Combat of Religious Intolerance was formed in March of 2008, after an incident at Ilha do Governador [Governor’s Island] in which members of neo-Pentecostal religions destroyed temples of Umbanda and Candumble religions.  Members of these African religions then united and protested in front of the Legislative Assembly in Rio.  They then formed the CCIR, which has as its principal objective the combat of religious prejudice.  The two main works of the Commission are the “March for the Defense of Religious Freedom,” and the “Forum for Inter-religious Dialogue.”  One of the main demands of the group is for the creation of a special police section to deal with crimes of ethnic-racial-religious discrimination.

Gualberto reported that in Rio de Janeiro, in 2009, a woman wearing African religious garb was spat upon by a group of neo-Pentecostal church members.  In the same year, a Umbanda house was attacked by religious fanatics.  To counteract such violence, Gualberto’s group is planning for 2011 the National Conference for Religious Freedom, to be held by the federal government.  “There are more cases of religious intolerance than we imagine.  The perpetrators are from various segments of society, and the cases are not only acts of omission--sometimes the State itself is an active perpetrator,” said Gualberto.

Source:  Brasil de Fato, May 27-June 6, 2010

The reproduction of this material is permitted as long as the source is cited. If you wish to contact us, send a message to bjn@braziljusticenet.org.
NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 631, May 26, 2010

Visit our home page at:  http://www.braziljusticenet.org

In this week's News from Brazil:

Agriculture Chemicals Create Problems for Public Health and Environment
By Igor Felippe Santos

Brazil broke a record in its use of herbicides and pesticides last year.  More that one billion liters of chemicals were sprayed on fields, according to statistics from the National Union of Industrial Agricultural Products.  The country is in first place among countries that use these chemical products.

With their overuse in Brazilian fields, chemicals are no longer a concern just for agricultural production, but have become a public health concern as well.  “The negative impacts are felt by the worker who applies them, by the family who lives on the soy plantations, and the periphery of the city, as the spraying is very close to housing.  There is an environmental impact too with the contamination of waters,” said Wanderlei Antonio Pignati, a medical doctor and professor at the Federal University of Mato Grosso.  Pignati was been researching health and environment, and has been tracing the impact of these chemical in Mato Grosso.  He ceded the following interview to the MST (Movement of rural workers Without Land).

MST:  In 2009, Brazil used over 1 billion liters of agricultural chemicals.  Why with each harvest does the quantity of  sprayed chemicals increase?

Pignati:  The use of agricultural chemicals has doubled in the last ten years.  We have become their greatest user in the world.  In Mato Grosso, 105 million liters were used in last year’s harvest, averaging 10 liters per hectare of soy or corn, and 20 liters per hectare of cotton.  There are various municipalities that use up to 7 million liters in one harvest.  This has a great impact for health and the environment.  Their use has increased because six or seven industries in the world, including those in Brazil, are dominating the seed industry.  These seeds are chosen because they use pesticides, herbicides and chemical fertilizers.  This increases productivity and profits for agribusinesses.  At the same time, deforestation increases when new areas are planted,  which increase the demand for such products.  In Mato Grosso, last year alone saw an increase from 4 million to 10 million planted hectares.  Deforestation is the first step of agribusiness.  The wood industry enters, ranching, agriculture, transportation and warehouses.  Finally, the real agro-industry enters, with is production of oils, flours, sugar, alcohol, cotton and biofuels.  This is developing a great deal as our dependency on exportation grows.  All of this increases the use of agricultural chemicals in Brazil.

MST:  So the more agribusiness advances, the greater the use of these chemicals?

Pignati:  Yes.  The seeds of these industries depend on the chemicals.  The industries do not make seeds that can live without them.  They do not create seeds resistant to diseases without the use of chemicals.  They do not do this because they produce both seeds and chemicals.  With transgenics, the situation is even worse.  In the case of soy, the production is resistant to the herbicide, gliphosate, known as Roundup, patented by Monsanto.  In this case, use of  Roundup on soy is two or three times greater.

MST:  But CTNBio [the government’s biosecurity agency] granted licensing of various varieties of transgenics with the argument that it would diminish the need of chemicals…

Pignati:  You only have to look at the example of transgenic soy, which is resistant to not one disease, to see the lies.  We have to unmask it at the national and international level.  Transgenic soy is only resistant to gliphosate.  It is the biggest user of chemicals.  They use it before planting, and during the first, second and third months.  It uses three times the amount of herbicide.  Now we have transgenic corn, which is also resistant to gliphosate.  This will only increase the use of chemicals.  In general, transgenics which are resistant to disease and pests are of the minority.


MST:  What are the effects of agricultural chemicals on health and the environment?

Pignati:  The negative impacts are felt by the worker who applies them, by the family who lives on the soy plantations, and the periphery of the city as the spraying is very close to housing.  There is an environmental impact too with the contamination of waters.  There are chemical residues in drinking wells, in creeks, rivers, rainwater and in the air.  With this, the population ends up absorbing these chemicals.

MST:  What are the consequences?

Pignati:  The problems for health are acute and chronic:  malformed fetuses, neoplasty (which causes cancer), endocrine disturbances, neurological disturbances, and respiratory problems.  In lakes and ponds, extinction begins to happen among various species, like fish, amphibians and reptiles because of the modification of their environments causes by the chemicals.  And the chemicals are washed away by the rains into creeks and rivers…

MST:  How can you prove these [health problems]?

Pignati:  To prove these, it is necessary to compare epidemiological data of diseases from regions which use a great deal of chemicals to others that use little.  For example, in the three regions of Mato Grosso which produce soy, corn and cotton, the indices of acute intoxication by chemicals is three times higher than the other 12 regions which produce less, and use less chemicals.  Analyzing by region the system of notification of acute intoxication by the municipal and state secretaries and by the Ministry of Health, we see that where there is greater production, there are more cases of intoxication, like diarrhea, vomiting, fainting, death, heart and respiratory problems, besides sub-chronic diseases which appear one or two months after exposure, neurological and psychiatric problems, like depression.  There are some chemicals which cause visual and auditory irritations….Besides this, the regions which produce more soy, corn and cotton present two and three times greater instances of cancer in children and adults and malformations in newborns when compared to the other regions which produce less and use less chemicals.  This is because they are using various types of chemicals which are carcinogenic.


MST:  What are the dangers for consumers of these foods?  What initiatives is Anvisa [the government food safety agency] taking?

Pignati:  Anvisa is reviewing 16 chemical products.  Fourteen of these products have been prohibited in the European Union, the United States and Canada, being recognized as carcinogenic, causing neurological and endocrinal problems.  But these products are sold freely here, even with the knowledge that there are chronic effects.  Anvisa has a program of analysis of  chemical residues on 20 food products that it has been doing since 2002.  In these studies, they have found residues on foods above the maximum limit permitted.  Endosulfan, for example, is a carcinogenic insecticide that has been prohibited for 20 years in Europe, the United States and Canada.  It is not prohibited in Brazil, and is often used in soy and corn production.  The maximum limit of residue on food is questionable because sensitivity to the chemical is highly individualized.  For one person, the maximum limit is 10mg per day before developing a disease; for another, it is only 1mg per day.  This is not counting the contamination already in the water, in the air, and in the rain, which really we should consider.

MST:  How would you evaluate Brazilian law regarding agricultural chemicals and the work of Anvisa?

Pignati:  From the point of view of legislation, Anvisa is doing good work.  However, every day large producers break the law.  Not only the national laws governing chemicals, but also the Forest Code, Norms from the Work Ministry (which oblige farm owners to properly outfit the workers), and norms from the Ministry of Agriculture (which impede spraying less than 250 meters from springs, rivers, creeks, lakes, and from places where animals and humans reside).  In Mato Grosso, planes spray all kinds of chemicals and do not respect these norms.

MST:  The large landowners say they use the chemicals correctly, that there is no danger.

Pignati:  But there are problems.  Even if the workers were to dress like an astronaut, using all the necessary equipment for protection,  they may not harm there own health, but what about the environment?  All chemicals are toxic, from Class 1 to Class 4.  And where are the residues from these chemicals going?  The rains come are wash everything to the rivers, creeks, then it evaporates into the air and falls with the rain.  There is no secure and correct use of chemicals for the environment.  We have to say that  the use of chemicals is intentional.  The so-called pests and weeds--I don’t call them that--be it an insect, and weed or a fungus, grows in the middle of the crops.  Then the farmer intentionally pollutes the environment to destroy these.  There is no way he can specifically take them out, put them in a jar, and then apply the chemicals.  So, he intentionally pollutes the crops, the environment, the worker and production.  Some of these chemicals remains on the food.

MST:  Agribusiness argues that it is necessary to use large quantities of chemicals because Brazil is a tropical country, with great climatic diversity.  Is that true?

Pignati:  There is no necessity…They have to use chemicals because the seed depends on them.  There are ways to do large scale production without seed that is dependent on chemicals and artificial fertilizers.  There are various examples of this in the world and in Brazil.  More than 99% of our total agricultural production depends on seeds from industries which do not choose seeds which can grow without chemicals.


MST:  Given this scenario, what can we expect in the future?

The tendency is to increase the use of chemicals.  Thus, more stringent government policies will need to be in place, as well as pressure from ecology groups and consumers, who more and more are consuming this chemicals.  It is necessary to combat the agricultural production that is here now.  With transgenic corn, they are going to use more gliphosate.  There is a cycle which will increase the use of chemicals without end.  If you analyze resistance of the weeds/diseases, there are some already resistant to gliphosate.  At first, you have to increase the dose to kill them.  Instead of five liters you use seven.  Then you have to use a stronger chemical; they become resistant to that, and there is then no end.  There are already large areas of weeds that are resistant in the United States, Argentina, and are now coming to Brazil in Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná and Mato Grosso.  It is an unsustainable model.

Source:  Movimento Sem Terra Website:  www.mst.org.br  Accessed May 21, 2010


The reproduction of this material is permitted as long as the source is cited. If you wish to contact us, send a message to bjn@braziljusticenet.org. 


NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 630, May 12, 2010

Visit our home page at:  http://www.braziljusticenet.org

In this week's News from Brazil:

Lula and Lugo on the Frontier
The Guarani and the “Sem Terra” (landless) also called “Brasiguaios” don’t have much expectations from the meeting of the authorities, mostly because they will hardly be able to have their voices and concerns heard.

by Egon Heck*

Today, May 3rd, won’t be just another day on the frontier between Brazil and Paraguay. After all, it is not always that the presidents of two countries meet to discuss issues for the region, in this case an area marked by serious problems and conflict of interests.

The region, particularly on the Paraguayan side, where a state of exception was declared, has been marked by violence and killings lately. On the list of concerns to be discussed in the agenda is a proposal for the construction of a transmission line from Itaipu all the way to Asunción. The estimated cost will be US$400 million and will be financed in its entirety by Brazil. Most of the capital will come from the BNDES, the bank that today has the greatest global resources. 

And where do the Guarani stand in this story

The region in question, which formerly belonged to Paraguay and now to Brazil, is without a doubt marked by a reality much older than the “great war”, “Paraguayan genocide” or “Paraguay War”, depending on the point of view used to look at the historical conflict that took the life of millions in the second half of the 19th century.

The fact is that well before the formation of the nation states of Brazil and Paraguay, the Guarani densely populated the region. It is estimated that the Guarani were about two million, before the arrival of the Spaniards and Portuguese in these lands. Recent work and demographic censuses to elaborate a map line of the Guarani located more than 500 eastern Guarani communities between the province of Missiones in Argentina, and in Mato Grosso do Sul in Brazil. It amounts to about hundred thousand Guarani. These Peoples, the most populous in South America, form a dozen nations from Bolivia to Uruguay, with a population superior to 300 thousand peoples.

The territory of the Guarani today is the stage of a dispute between great economic interests tied to the agribusiness of monocultures of soy, sugarcane, corn, eucalyptus-pine, as well as the traditional livestock industry.  The state of Mato Grosso do Sul alone has over 22 millions cattle. Multinational and national groups are voraciously occupying these lands to set up their big projects. The last reserves of Atlantic forest are under threat. The last refuge in the forest for the Guarani is being cut down. All this is happening in face of the omission of the nation states to guarantee a minimum of land for these Peoples. The timid initiatives that try to help the situation end up being ineffective and obstructed by the interests and expansion of economic interests.

One of the topics announced on the agenda for the meeting between the presidents is the issue related to Itaipu. It can never be stressed enough how the Guarani were driven out on both sides of the Rio Paraná. Since the construction of the Itaipu dam, at least 32 Guarani communities had their lands inundated on the Paraguayan side. They were moved far away in a small cut of land that was little more than two thousand hectares. They were promised that they could keep the territory where they would be able to live with dignity. The promise has not been kept until today. On the Brazilian side too, they were forced unto a few hectares. Ocoí, a small extension of land infested by insects, has become the symbol of how these Peoples are being treated. Today there are various Guarani settlements in the Paraná region. One of the “benefits” that Itaipu brought was the purchase of a piece of land where the Añetete community established itself, where in February of this year they held the meeting of South American Guarani.

The frontier region is marked by violence, aggravated by the drug trafficking and arms contraband. Judge Odilon de Oliveira went public with this reality, affirming that it has been identified that more than 200 thousand hectares of land is in the hands of the drug traffickers in the border region of Mato Grosso do Sul.

What will the Presidents Say

The Guarani and the “Sem Terra” (landless) also called “Brasiguaios” don’t have much expectations from the meeting of the authorities. Mostly because they will hardly be able to have their voices and concerns heard, given the high security and interests that surrounds the presidents of the two countries.

The region is marked by violence. In Brazil the Guarani are subjected to daily violence in the smallest confinements and in the settlements on the side of the road. The process of identification of their lands continues to be paralyzed. The proposal of president Lula to buy five thousand hectares for the Guarani in Mato Grosso do Sul, to lessen the problem, was viewed as nonsense from the Guarani leaders in a recent meeting of the Aty Guasu Counsel, held in Amambai.

President Lugo, already involved in the contradictions in which he’s been burying himself, will have little strength to keep the promises made in his campaign when he declared that the Indigenous issue would be one of his priorities. And why doesn’t the bi-national Itapu commit to return at least a small part of the lands that the plant usurped from the Guarani when they installed the work?

The Guarani Have Much to Say and Demand

During the meeting of Añetere more than 800 Guarani of four different countries demanded “guarantee and respect, starting from changes in the border law, and free cultural transit, according to the traditions of the Indigenous communities on the frontier between Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and Bolivia, understanding that for us, the Guarani Peoples, the ethnic and ancestral territories have always belonged to us – opening of frontiers”. In this same meeting the minister Jucá Ferreira in his brief speech highlighted the importance of the Guarani presence on the border: “The cooperation and presence of Indigenous Peoples in the proximity of the frontier is far from being a problem, instead it is a solution for Brazil. For us, of the Ministry of Culture there is no fear, no concern about the presence of Indigenous Peoples and the demarcation of their territory close to the border. The Indigenous Peoples have the right, and beyond this right they are an insurance for the ecological, social and political stability as they create emotional bonds with the relatives that live in other countries.”

In the Aty Guasu of Arroyo Korá meeting held last month, the Guarani Kaiowá said: “We don’t understand why there continues to be injustices against our Peoples. We live in the frontier region. For us these decisions promote criminal organizations, gunmen, arms and drugs traffickers. Demarcation of Indigenous land would bring more security to the border region.”

Judgment of the Assassins of Marcos Verón Kaiowá Guarani

Today (May 3rd) begins the trial of the three accused of the murder of the Indigenous leader Marcos Verón, assassinated in January 2003. The trial was transferred from Dourados to São Paulo to guarantee fairness and impartiality in the judging of the defendants. The relatives of the Takuara community, where the murder took place, and the Guarani Kaiowá of Mato Grosso do Sul await an exemplar punishment of the ones responsible for the murder of the Indigenous leader.

The beginning of the trial was expected for the past month, but the date was postponed after the defendants requested it. For the occasion, an Indigenous delegation had gone to São Paulo. However, FUNAI declared there is no funding to ensure the presence of the Indigenous delegation on the new date set for the trial.

What the Guarani Kaiowá keep on asking themselves is why more than 200 members of their community are in prisons in Mato Grosso do Sul, while none of the assassins of their leader are in jail. In the decade of the 90’s the assassins of Marçal de Souza Tupã’y, deceased on November 25th 1983, were tried and absolved. The trial was held in Ponta Porã, where today the presidents of Brazil and Paraguay are meeting.

*Egon Heck is the coordinator of the Conselho Indigenista Missionário (CIMI) in Mato Grosso do Sul.

Source:  Brasil de Fato, May 3, 2010, http://www.brasildefato.com.br/v01/agencia/analise/lula-e-lugo-na-fronteira/view

A special thanks to Cecilia Sbernini for the translation of this text.

The reproduction of this material is permitted as long as the source is cited. If you wish to contact us, send a message to bjn@braziljusticenet.org.
NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 629, April 27, 2010

Visit our home page at:  http://www.braziljusticenet.org

In this week's News from Brazil:

Church’s Land Commission Demonstrates Increase in Violence Against Rural Workers


 The violence against rural workers is increasing in a disproportionate manner when compared to the increase of organized protests and marches by rural workers’ movements.  The recrudescence of repression is highlighted in the publication Conflitos no Campo Brasil 2009 (2009 Conflicts in the Brazilian Rural Areas) released on April 15, 2010, by the CPT (Land Commission of the Catholic Church).

In the introduction by the National Secretary of the CPT, Antônio Canuto, it states that on the whole, the year 2009 “was a very difficult year,” with a marked increase of the outlawing [of rural movements].  According to the report, a pact between large rural landholders, the Congress, the Judicial Powers and the corporate press caused the noose to tighten on rural organizations, “undermining the support from society that has taken years of struggle to build up.”

According to the publication, the year 2009 saw a 1.2% increase in conflicts in rural areas over the year 2008.  Last year, there were 1184 conflicts, compared to 1170 the year before.  However the increase in the number of arrests went up 22%, from 168 in 2008 to 205 in 2009.  And the increase in the number of judicial evictions was even greater at 36.5%:  9077 families to 12,388.  Fortunately, assassinations were down from 27 to 24.  In the report there are cases, that besides the numbers, “pass the limits of good sense.”  For example, on April 26, 2009, 18 rural workers were arrested after protesting in a construction area of the Tucuruí Dam project.  “Before being sent to the [capital] Belém, they were obliged to march in parade handcuffed through the whole city of Tucuruí, on exhibition as if they were some sort of trophy of the military police,” commented Canuto.

Another episode recorded in the report happened on May 1st [National Workers’ Day]:  “An encampment site of the rural workers by the roadside of BR230, municipality of Pocinhos, Paraíba, was attacked by a group of hooded men, who fired shots against the families, and detained and tortured seven of the workers.  They threw gasoline on them and threatened to burn them alive.”  The aggressors fled after the police arrived, and the officers arrested the workers, and accused them of the violence that was perpetrated.  According to the CPT, in both cases, the activists were jailed for more than a month before being released on their own recognizance.

Canuto observes that “in spite of everything, the social movements resist and fight for their space.”  Even so, the percentages of evictions (36.5%) and arrests (22%) is disproportional in relation to the increase of occupations, which rose to 15% (252 in 2008 and 290 in 2009).

Besides this, in the other indices presented by the CPT, the number of actions of popular organizations fell.  There were less encampments, from 40 to 36; there were less strikes and other protests connected to struggling for workers’ rights (identified in the report as acts of resistance), from 23 to 22; and there were less protests, from 676 to 589.

The CPT identified the rulings of Gilmar Mendes, who heads the Federal Supreme Court, as the key which precipitated this process of increased repression.  In the introduction to the report, Canuto states that on February 25, 2009, this current leader of the Judicial Powers (who leaves his post this month) went to the press to accuse “the movements of practicing illegal acts,” and criticized the federal government  for “committing illicit acts of funneling public resources to those who, according to him, practice such acts.”

This climate of outlawing [social movements] became nationally dispersed in August with a reaction to an agreement between Via Campesina and the federal government to update the indices of productivity of land.  “The criticism of the announced measure was accompanied by generalized attacks on the rural workers’ movements.  Senator Kátia Abreu and Deputy Ronaldo Caiado, aligned in their criticisms, collected signatures for the creation of a Mixed Parliamentary Commission of Investigation (CPMI) to investigate the destination of public resources to movements which act ‘against the law,’ as affirmed by the president of the Supreme Court,” wrote Canuto.
 The lobbies of the large rural landholders were not going to succeed in gathering enough signatures until, on October 5th, television images and reports were released showing the [rural workers’] occupation of a large farm illegally obtained by Cutrale [orange juice company].

Finally, the report cites the formation of the Observatório das Inseguranças Jurídicas no Campo in February of this year.  The initiative, from an alignment between large landowners and sectors of the Judiciary Powers, proposes to accompany actions which represent threats to the right of property, and to map “effective or imminent invasions of rural property.”  According to the CPT report, the figure who is most prominent in this initiative was Gilmar Mendes.

Source:  Brasil de Fato, April 22, 2010

The reproduction of this material is permitted as long as the source is cited. If you wish to contact us, send a message to bjn@braziljusticenet.org.
NEWS FROM BRAZIL
supplied by Brazil Justice Net
Number 628, April 13, 2010


In this week's News from Brazil:

Transposition of the São Francisco River Creates Lucrative Market for Water

Patricia Benvenuti, a journalist for Brasil de Fato,  recently interviewed Roberto Malvezzi of the Catholic Church’s Land Commission (CPT) regarding the current state of the transposition of the São Francisco River.  Since its inception, the project has been surrounded with controversy.

What is the current situation of the São Francisco River’s transposition?

Roberto Malvezzi (RM):  The construction of the work is moving ahead.  The government accelerated the process of the construction of two canals and says that in will conclude one by the end of this year--the one called the “east channel,” that brings water directly to Paraíba.  The other is to be concluded in 2012.  From this point of view, I think the government is doing a good job of marketing.  I think the construction is much more behind schedule; and even if they do advance, the government will take a while to complete the “east channel.”

At this moment, what are the impacts being felt in the region because of this construction?

RM:  The channels have a direct environmental impact, as you will see, in the “caatinga” region (arid region).  These channels are long and wide, and require the removal of the communities around them.  Some communities are relocated, and others have many difficulties, as in the case of the Pipipã indigenous group.  The “west channel” cuts right through their territory, which is also known as the Biological Reserve of Serra Negra, in Pernambuco.  It is one of the oldest biological reserves, created in the 1950’s.  Also, there are many problems in regions in Paraíba and other states due to poor compensation people are receiving in return for giving over their land to the project.

How many people have been removed?

RM:  We don’t have an exact total.  The government is saying 700 families, but we think it is much more than this.  As the area is vast, we don’t have connections in every place where the project passes, so we don’t have a real estimation of the number of people being impacted.  But counting only the Pipipãs of the Serra Negra Reserve, there are more than 5,000 people.  And we know that, directly or indirectly, the impact will be much greater than what the government alleges.

What is the current state of the revitalization of the river, as was promised would happen?

RM:  Revitalization is what we thought it would be.  It was in the mind of the government a sort of coin exchange, a  way to get the people who resisted the transposition to “shut up” in exchange for having the river cleaned up.  But we knew that the government would not invest nearly as much in this as in the project itself.  Even the mainstream press has noted that the investments greatly diverge in what is put into revitalization as opposed to  what is put in the transposition.  I think that at this moment while working on the transposition, they will abandon the revitalization.  They are only doing something small as a way of compensating politically, and not so much out of concern of the environment.  The focus is on the construction of the project.

You have referred to the Northeast as being a laboratory for the marketing of water in Brazil.  What is the role of the transposition in this experiment?

RM:  Truthfully, the transposition is the creation of a lucrative  market for water.  The mechanism of the working the transposition is like this:  a certain kind of company will sell water from the São Francisco, and when the water goes into other state receptors, other companies will buy this water.  Afterwards, these companies will sell the water to the so-called users, which are still other companies, and will finally arrive to the final consumer.  So, the final process  and the final cost of this water will be very expensive.  Personally, I think what is most serious is that the companies are going to buy water from the São Francisco and are going to appropriate for free rainwater stocked in the big reservoirs.  So, they are going to sell not only water from the Sâo Francisco, but also rainwater from the big dams.  It is going to be a big business--you will buy water or receive water for free, and then resell it to then general population.  In this way, it is simply following what the World Bank has always wanted:  create markets for water in Brazil.  This is prohibited by law, but in practice, the transposition of the Sâo Francisco creates this market.  It is the international philosophy of the merchandising of water.    This way of managing water resources come to Brazil from France, but if you go to other countries in Latin America, you will see the same system.  It is the system that these multinational organisms wanted to implant around the world because you control the use of water through mechanisms where businesses either buy the reservoirs or receive from others licenses from the State to exploit that reservoir.  In Brazil, water may not be privatized, but the State can concede water for private use, which is what will happen in the Sâo Francisco Valley.  Businesses will buy this water and be able to exploit it commercially.

And how are the people the semi-arid region mobilizing in relation to the transposition?

RM:  Today resistance is greater in Paraíba and in Ceará.  The number of mayors who have left the pro-transposition side is significant because they see that the water is running to Paraíba, but it is not being distributed.  In Ceará, there is resistance from the populations that are being dislocated by the transposition.  Above all, I think that the resistance will grow in the measure that the grand promises of the government are not kept.  The government promises water to 12 million people in Paraíba, Ceará and Rio Grande do Norte.  So these people have the expectation that they will get water; and when the water finally arrives, they will see that it will not go to the general population.  So, the government will have to face another level of conflict, which is caused by the real finality of this water.  The water has an economic end, and the population is being used as a mere instrument.  I know for sure, through conversations inside the government, that many people are worried about this.  Many even say that they are distressed because the transposition is not going to distribute the water, but only transfer it to the basins of Ceará, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Norte which already have water.

Source:  Brasil de Fato, April 7, 2010